Tag Archives: sub-Saharan Africa

Factors contributing to Africa’s failure in achieving MDG5 by Japheth Mati

ABSTRACT[1]

The latest UN Report on MDGs reveals considerable reductions in maternal mortality in most regions of the world except in the sub-Saharan Africa where, despite progress having accelerated since 2000, very high maternal mortality ratios and low rates of access to universal reproductive health services, still persist. This discussion highlights several challenges that operate both at the regional and country levels. The challenges at the regional level include poverty, food insecurity, persistent violent conflicts, inadequate budgetary allocation to health sector, and heavy disease burden. At the country level are the persistent inequalities in access to health care both between countries and within individual countries. A review of the status of MDG 5 indicators particularly focusing on the known drivers of maternal mortality reductions shows that most SSA countries fall far below the targets, to the extent that they are least likely to achieve this goal by 2015. Successive national surveys show disparities which relate to wealth status and area of residence, both reflecting a lack of equitable distribution of health services. Two key challenges stand in the way of addressing these inequalities- improving human resources for health, and strengthening health systems. A critical cross-cutting determinant for both is the proportion of national budgets allocated to reproductive health services. In addition, donor-dictated policies of budgetary ceilings on certain expenditures, including hiring of health professionals, constitute another obstacle. Finally, SSA countries are particularly adversely affected by the drop in international aid towards reproductive health, and especially the financing of family planning programmes.


[1] Abstract of an invited presentation at the FIGO World Congress October 7 – 12, 2012

 

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What’s happening to Kenya’s first generation born HIV-positive?

Globally, there is a general lack of awareness of the health and social challenges that face the first generation of children born HIV positive; in fact, this has not been an issue of special focus. Yet the population of that group of people is not only increasing in numbers, it is also growing older. According to UNAIDS, of an estimated 390,000 children born with HIV in 2010 globally, 90 percent of them were born in 22 countries, of which 21 are in sub-Saharan Africa, the odd one out being India[1].

There is a lot of hope that with increasing access to improved PMTCT services especially the availability of the more effective antiretroviral regimen for pregnant women and their newborn babies, fewer children will be born HIV positive. Where highly active antiretroviral therapy (HAART) has been employed, the rate has reduced to below 5 percent. As a result, in 2011 UNAIDS and PEPFAR jointly launched the Global Plan towards the Elimination of New HIV Infections among Children by 2015 and Keeping Their Mothers Alive. The plan has a main focus on the 22 countries (see above).

Source: UNAIDS and PEPFAR bring together Health Ministers and partners to advance progress in ending new HIV infections in children

For many years there was a strongly held assumption that survival from birth to adolescence with HIV was so unlikely without treatment as to be negligible, and that HIV in late childhood was very unusual. The accepted view was that the majority would die before the age of five. However, there is now accumulating evidence that children born with HIV do survive into teens and adults. In Kenya, the oldest of these children are now approaching 30[2]. In Uganda it is estimated that as many as 150,000 children are already living with HIV right from childhood. In 2006, the oldest surviving of young people born with HIV in Uganda turned 23 years old, thanks to antiretroviral therapy[3]. That same year, The Aids Support Organization (Taso) had registered 4,696 ten to nineteen-year-olds living with HIV since infancy, while another 1100 young people were receiving care at the Mildmay Centre and Mulago Hospital.

A recent article by Amelia Hill[4] entitled Teenagers born with HIV tell of life under society’s radar, HIV-positive youngsters who were infected before or at birth reveal their secret lives, highlights some of the challenges faced by youngsters in the United Kingdom who were born HIV positive. These challenges include:

  • Coping with the discovery that they are HIV positive: Usually the doctors and the parents would have withheld the information until such time as it is considered “safe” to divulge the status to the child. One 18 year old describes how at nine years old a careless receptionist at his local hospital blurted his status, and his reaction to the shocking revelation: “I remember standing there, with my mother’s hand around mine, as these feelings of complete confusion and fear washed over me. I suddenly realised that the pills my mum had been giving me every day – that I had thought were sweeties – were medicine, after that day at the hospital, I would lock myself in the bathroom when my mum took them out of the cupboard. Or I’d pretend to swallow them, and then throw them away. I know I’m killing myself,” he says truthfully, but with studied nonchalance. Inconsistency in the taking of medicines has important implication to development of resistance to specific drugs by the virus.
  •  Fear of stigma: HIV-positive youngsters have expressed worry over being branded by the stigma that is attached to HIV in society. “Society forces me to live two lives, one of which – the one where I’m honest about my status – I have to keep completely secret from the other one. It’s partly because I have to live this life of shame and secrecy that I find it so hard to take my meds….I’m angry about the stigma in society that makes me have to lie about my status“. Some adolescents have admitted having considered killing themselves.

Two studies, one in Zimbabwe and the other in Uganda have specifically highlighted some of the issues facing adolescents and young adults who were born HIV positive in those countries. In Zimbabwe, a clinical study[5] has suggested that as many as one in four children may survive into adolescence without diagnosis or treatment. Of the children under HIV care in Zimbabwe during 2008, 42% were aged 10-19 years. This study has bust the long held assumptions that HIV in late childhood is very unusual, and that survival from birth to adolescence with HIV was so unlikely without treatment as to be negligible. Among the problems most commonly faced by adolescents were psychosocial issues and poor drug adherence (which is critical in keeping the ever-changing AIDS virus at bay).

The Population Council in Uganda[6]  has addressed reproductive health needs of adolescents born with HIV. It involved a sample of 732 adolescents aged 10-19 years. The study shows that these adolescents are most likely to be orphaned, hardly any of the teens and young adults born with HIV have both their parents alive, As such they are subject to the challenges that face orphans generally. They were also found to be at risk of entry into casual relationship, using no protection, and with persons whose HIV status they do not know. Most of them conceal their status to their partners. The study reports that as many as 61 percent of the sexually active adolescents surveyed said they did not use any protective method during their first time sex, and do not know the status of their current partner.

There are lots of similarities between the findings in the two Africa-based studies and the issues raised by their counterparts in the UK report. What these limited studies clearly reveal is the inadequacy of our knowledge regarding the social, psychosocial and health challenges faced by adolescents and youths born HIV positive and their guardians.

[1] UNAIDS and PEPFAR bring together Health Ministers and partners to advance progress in ending new HIV infections in children http://www.unaids.org/en/resources/presscentre/featurestories/2012/may/20120523whagp/

 [5] Rashida Ferrand,a Sara Lowe,b Barbra Whande,b et al., Survey of children accessing HIV services in a high prevalence setting: time for adolescents to count?Bull World Health Organ. 2010 June 1; 88(6): 428–434. Published online 2009 December 16. doi:  10.2471/BLT.09.066126

What are the prospects of achieving ‘skilled attendance’ for all births in Africa?

Ensuring that every birth is attended by skilled health personnel by 2015 is what is expected of all countries if they are to achieve Millennium Development Goal (MDG) 5. But how feasible is this for most African countries? According to WHO, skilled attendance at birth remains drastically low in sub-Saharan Africa; only about 42% of the childbirths are assisted by a skilled attendant in the Africa region, some countries registering as low as 5%[i]. This is against the target of 80% of births being assisted by a skilled attendant by 2015 if the goal of reducing maternal mortality rate by three quarters (between 1990 and 2015), is to be achieved.

Skilled attendance at the time of delivery is an important variable that influences the birth outcome and the health of the mother and her infant. Skilled attendance can be accessed at health facilities or through domiciliary or community midwifery. At both levels appropriate medical attention can reduce the risks of obstetric complications that increase the risk of morbidity and mortality for the mother and her baby.

Figure 1: Maternal mortality ratio by country, 2008

Source: UNICEF, Progress for Children: A Report Card on Maternal Mortality, 2008

Who is a skilled attendant?

A skilled attendant is defined as ‘an accredited health professional – such as a midwife, doctor or nurse – who has been educated and trained to proficiency in the skills needed to manage uncomplicated pregnancies, childbirth and the immediate postnatal period, and in the identification, management and referral of complications in women and newborns’[ii] This definition implies that the term ‘skilled attendant’ should refer exclusively to people with midwifery skills; people who are capable of managing normal deliveries and to diagnose, manage or refer complications. Midwifery skills are a defined set of cognitive and practical skills that enable the individual to provide basic health care services throughout the continuum of pregnancy, childbirth and postnatal period and also to provide first aid for obstetric complications and emergencies, including life-saving measures when needed. In 2006, a consensus was reached on what are essential competencies of the skilled attendant in the Africa Region of WHO[iii]. It should be noted that the definition of skilled attendant does not include Traditional Birth Attendants (TBA), trained or untrained.

Until the mid-1990s, the term “trained attendant” was commonly used in national statistics, which tended to lump both professionals and non-professionals (e.g. trained TBAs) together, as long as they had received some “training”. However, training does not necessarily guarantee the acquisition of the needed skills. From 1996 onwards, the word “skilled” has been employed to recognise competent use of knowledge[iv].

Effectiveness of ‘skilled attendants’ depends not just on their knowledge and competency, but also on the environment in which they function. Skilled attendance should therefore not be considered purely in terms of skills of the service providers but also the environment in which they work- physical space, equipment, supplies, drugs and transport for referral of obstetric emergencies. The political, policy and socio-cultural environment can also enable or prevent effectiveness of ‘skilled attendance’[v].

Does skilled attendance at birth lower maternal deaths?

There is no direct scientific evidence to show that skilled attendance lowers maternal mortality; however, comprehensive analyses of the factors behind the successful reduction of maternal deaths in countries such as Malaysia, Sri Lanka, Thailand and Honduras clearly indicate that a central feature in all of them was the presence of a skilled attendant at delivery. The experience from those countries is what is currently guiding maternal and neonatal health policy and programming; especially what was done to ensure high availability of skilled birth attendants, as well as the kind of environment that ensured their effectiveness[vi].

Two important lessons from these experiences are (a) achieving skilled attendance for all requires attention to the political, social and legal actions that address women’s human rights and equity, this being especially important if skilled attendance is to impact on the health outcomes of poor people; and (b) development of skilled attendants must go side by side with the creation of an enabling environment, including putting in place resources that are needed for emergency obstetric care and responsive referral systems.

Will skilled attendance result in reduced maternal deaths in Africa?

According to WHO ensuring skilled care at every birth can reduce the global burden of 536 000 maternal deaths, 3 million stillbirths and 3.7 million newborn deaths each year[vii]. Half of the 75 countries in which 97% of all maternal deaths worldwide occur are located in the sub-Saharan Africa. Within Africa, the eastern region has the lowest proportions of skilled attendance at birth (about 34%). In addition, enormous disparities exist within countries: poor women in rural and urban areas are far less likely than their wealthier counterparts to receive skilled care during childbirth. For example, the 2008-9 Kenya Demographic and Health Survey showed that women in the highest wealth quintile were nearly four times more likely to have been attended by a doctor or nurse/midwife, at their last delivery[viii].

The countries of sub-Saharan Africa are faced by numerous challenges in their effort to ensure skilled attendance at birth. These can be coalesced into the following two: developing the needed human resources for health, and creating an enabling environment for effective skilled attendance.

  • · Development of human resources for health- skilled attendants

Human resource for health is a key component of the health care system, which requires efficient mechanisms for recruitment, deployment, retention and supervision of the workforce, as well as ensuring accountability of service providers.

Five years ago, WHO estimated that to extend coverage of maternal and newborn care in the following 10 years (to 2015), 75 countries[ix] needed at least 334,000 additional midwives (or equivalent skilled attendants), as well as additional training for 140,000 existing professionals providing first-level care and of 27,000 doctors who are not currently qualified to provide back-up care[x]. According to these estimates the current health workforce in some of the most affected countries in sub-Saharan Africa would need to be scaled up by as much as 140% for the country to attain the Millennium Development Goals.

Health worker shortage in sub-Saharan Africa derives from many causes, including inadequate planning and investment for pre-service training, inadequate deployment, loss of trained personnel due to poor work conditions, internal and external movement, career changes among health workers, premature retirement, morbidity and premature mortality.  In some countries trained health workers remain unemployed for long periods because of inadequate budgetary allocations to ministries of health.

A recent study[xi] focused on 12 African countries[xii] has found alarming workforce shortages in all the countries, with the current rate of increase in health workforce density being much slower than what WHO considers necessary for achievement of desired levels of coverage of key health interventions[xiii] (a minimum density of 2.28 health workers per 1000 population). The study has suggested a variety of complementary, shorter-term responses if countries were to aspire to achieving international goals, among them, adoption of aggressive retention policies, e.g. improving the remuneration and working conditions of health workers; addressing current unemployment of trained professionals; and adoption of task-shifting[xiv] practices where necessary. However, all these should be viewed as stop-gap measures while countries further developed/expanded local pre-service training opportunities.

  • · Creating an enabling environment for skilled attendance

An enabling environment can be viewed more broadly to include the political, policy and socio-cultural context in which skilled attendance must operate (structure), as well as the more proximate factors such as pre- and in-service training, supervision and deployment, and health systems financing (inputs). Within the political and policy environment are considerations such as legislation/regulations which govern scope of professional activities, but more important is the level of government commitment and stability which are crucial to smooth functioning of health services. The social/cultural environment will include cultural factors which may influence acceptability and effectiveness of service providers and the services they provide; for example, Muslim societies may object to male skilled attendants (male doctors and nurses), examining women. Socio-economic status, gender and women empowerment are other important factors with strong bearing on the performance and effectiveness of skilled attendants. Finally, effectiveness of the service providers is enhanced by responsible management systems, functional infrastructure, equipment/ supplies, management and health information systems, communication and transport mechanisms. Above all, availability of the above depends on sound planning and financing of the health sector.

Conclusion

The countries of sub-Saharan Africa are faced by numerous challenges in their effort to ensure skilled attendance at birth, particularly the serious human resource shortages and weak health systems. Recent assessments of progress towards MDG 5 suggest that most sub-Saharan African countries have made only modest progress, with at least 8 countries[xv] demonstrating negative change[xvi]. These findings cast a lot of doubt as to whether many sub-Saharan African countries will achieve skilled attendance for all births in the remaining period to 2015. Factors such as limited funding for health services, and inequities in reaching all pregnant women irrespective of wealth status, are some of the major reasons for inadequate progress.

There is data to show that the current number of health workers in most countries is insufficient to meet population health needs[xvii]. Addressing this challenge will require expansion of pre-service training of nurses, midwives and doctors, with a view to increase health worker densities in order to meet the target level of 2.28 physicians, nurses and midwives per 1000 population. Considering that pre-service training is clearly a longer-term solution, a variety of complementary, shorter-term responses, (as discussed above), will need to be considered.

As a way forward African governments need to create health policies and necessary legislation in support of delivery of essential maternal health interventions. Such policies are important building blocks of a well functioning health system- including financing of health services, and ensuring equitable access to skilled attendants for all pregnant women. Despite the fact that total official development assistance (ODA) to maternal, newborn and child health programmes increased by 64%, from US$2.1 billion in 2003 to almost US$3.5 billion in 2006[xviii], expenditures on health in most African countries remain far less than the threshold below which it is difficult to ensure access to basic services (US$45 per person). As a result, out-of-pocket health expenditures in sub-Saharan African countries range from 6% in Namibia to 62% in Chad[xix]. Faced with heavy out-of-pocket expenses, many families either avoid seeking care altogether, or risk impoverishment when they do so. Under such scenario ill-health contributes to, and perpetuates, poverty in sub-Saharan Africa[xx].

Related links:


[i] WHO/AFRO. Consensus on Essential Competencies of Skilled attendant in the African Region Report of regional consultation, Brazzaville, 27th February-1st March 2006 WHO Africa Regional Office, 2006

[ii] WHO/UNFPA/UNICEF/World Bank Statement (1999). Reduction of maternal mortality: a joint statement. Geneva: WHO.

[iii] WHO/AFRO. Consensus on Essential Competencies of Skilled attendant in the African Region Report of regional consultation, Brazzaville, 27th February-1st March 2006 WHO Africa Regional Office, 2006

[iv] Starrs A (1997). The Safe Motherhood Action Agenda: Priorities for the Next Decade. New

York: Inter-Agency Group for Safe Motherhood and Family Care International.

[v] Wendy J Graham, Jacqueline S Bell and Colin HW Bullough Can skilled attendance at delivery reduce maternal mortality in developing countries ? Studies in Health Services Organisation & Policy, 17, 2001 pp97-129

[vi] Wim Van Lerberghe and Vincent De Brouwere Reducing maternal mortality in a context of poverty Studies in Health Services Organisation and Policy, 17, 2001

[viii] Kenya National Bureau of Statistics (KNBS) and ICF Macro. 2010. Kenya Demographic and Health

Survey 2008-09. Calverton, Maryland: KNBS and ICF Macro.

[ix] Half of these countries are in sub-Saharan Africa.

[x] WHO. 2005. World Health Report 2005. Geneva: WHO.

[xii] Central African Republic, Côte d’Ivoire, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Kenya, Liberia, Madagascar, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Uganda, the United Republic of Tanzania and Zambia

[xiii] World Health Organization, The world health report 2006.

[xiv] The shifting of certain tasks from professional that require longer-term training to those requiring less intensive training which may be more affordable, for example permitting midwives to administer perenteral drugs, to manually remove the placenta, to remove retained products of conception, and to resuscitate newborns.

[xv] Chad, Cote d’Ivoire, Kenya, Lesotho, Malawi, Nigeria, Senegal.

[xvi] Countdown to 2015, 2008 Report Tracking Progress in Maternal, Newborn & Child Survival New York, United Nations Children’s Fund, 2008.

[xviii] Note: The total amount of aid for maternal, newborn and child health-related activities represents just 3% of total ODA

[xix] Adam Leive, Ke Xu. Coping with out-of-pocket health payments: empirical evidence from 15 African countries. Bulletin of the World Health Organization Volume 86, Number 11, November 2008, 849-856

What are the prospects of Africa achieving universal access to HIV treatment?

Universal access to HIV treatment is one of the targets of Millennium Development Goal 6 (MDG6), the indicator for which is the proportion of the population with advanced HIV infection with access to antiretroviral drugs (ARVs). For Africa, achievement of this goal is a monumental task considering the sheer magnitude of the problem. In 2008 sub-Saharan Africa was home to just over 22 million of the world’s estimated 33.4 million people infected with HIV[i]. Almost every country in the region has suffered a generalized HIV epidemic, with the highest HIV prevalence rates existing in southern and eastern Africa. South Africa is reputed to harbour the greatest number of people living with HIV in the world (about 5.7 million).

In the past decade there has been a considerable increase in access to HIV treatment in resource-limited settings where antiretroviral medications were previously unavailable, rising 10-fold between 2003 and 2008[ii], thanks to global funding sources, especially the US President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) and the Global Fund for AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria (GFATM). According to WHO and UNAIDS[iii], the coverage of ARV therapy in the sub-Saharan Africa, rose from 2% in 2003 to an estimated 44% of adults and children by December 2008. However, important access gaps still remain. In Kenya, for example, by 2009 only 290,000 persons that required ARV treatment were receiving it[iv], at a time when more than 1.4 million Kenyans were living with HIV[v]. In the sub-Saharan Africa, by end of 2008 only four countries (Botswana, Namibia, Rwanda and Senegal) had ARV coverage of 50% or more among adults and children who were eligible for the treatment and only six countries had achieved coverage of 50% or more of pregnant women for the prevention of mother-to-child transmission of HIV[vi].

The rapid expansion of treatment access is saving lives, improving quality of life, and contributing to the rejuvenation of households, communities and entire societies. As the number of people receiving ARVs increases, so does improvement in survival among people living with HIV. Evidence suggests that improved access to ARV therapy is helping to drive a decline in HIV related mortality[vii]. In Kenya, AIDS-related deaths have fallen by 29% since 2002[viii]. Paradoxically, this reduction in AIDS-related deaths translates into an increasing population of HIV infected persons at any given time. This implies there is a continuous increase in demand for HIV treatment. However, some data has suggested that ARV therapy may lower HIV transmission rate by as much as 90 percent[ix]. It is believed that improved access to ARVs may help to lower viral load both at the individual and community levels, this resulting in reduced incidence of new infections. Treatment coverage for children have remained lower than for adults[x] due to a number of reasons, among them: diagnosis of HIV in children is more difficult; HIV infection tends to progress faster to AIDS and death in children; and appropriate ARV treatment regimens for children are less accessible.

Challenges for scaling up of ARV treatment

Achievement of the goal of universal access to HIV treatment requires that the scope of coverage of HIV services is rapidly expanded. This in turn demands sustainable financing mechanisms, human resources, quality in service provision and use of services. It will be important to understand and address the key factors that limit the scope of coverage, and impede the demand for and utilization of HIV services, which include a weak, usually under-funded, health system, weak management and governance systems, especially with regard to procurement and distribution of needed resources- for counseling, testing, diagnosis and clinical management and monitoring of treatment, and referral systems. There is need for strengthened logistics systems, including capacity building, in order to enable adequate supply of HIV test kits and drugs at all levels as appropriate.

Acceptability of voluntary HIV testing is another challenge to the scale-up and effectiveness of HIV treatment. It is also a factor in late diagnosis and entry into ARV treatment programmes. In Kenya, as many as 4 out of 5 HIV-infected persons do not know their HIV status, while 63% that should be on treatment, do not know their status, and are therefore not on ARV therapy[xi]. Stigma and discrimination of HIV infected persons in most African countries remain important reasons for fear to come out for testing and declaring status.

A serious challenge is the sustainability of access to affordable drugs. Scaling up of HIV treatment faces the barriers to be created by the adoption of anti-counterfeits policies and laws[xii] that would block the production and importation of life-saving generic medicines, particularly ARVs.

Sustainability of funding of treatment programmes is a formidable challenge. As mentioned above the rapid increase in access to ARVs has largely been driven by PEPFER and Global Fund funding. However, since the Obama administration, there has been a stagnation of PEPFAR funding which, among other things, has discouraged enrolment of new patients into treatment programmes unless they are replacing others who have left or died. This, in turn, would allow PEPFAR funds to support treatment of an array of health issues, including those not directly related to HIV, and stabilize funding for a variety of health concerns[xiii]. This implies many countries will be forced to treat the very sick patients first, and will be hard put to implement the updated WHO standard which raises the cut-off point for commencing ARV treatment from a CD4 count of 200 to 350.

The lesson is clear: whilst advocacy for enhanced international assistance must continue, at the same time African governments must increase national contribution to the cost of health care including HIV treatment, and increasingly reduce over-reliance on foreign support for critical sectors such as health care. For example, it has been reported that foreign agencies pay for more than 90 percent of Uganda’s AIDS-treatment regimens (Uganda is certainly not alone in this category). As the East African[xiv] has put it “donors hold the power of life and death over people living with HIV in Uganda”. Funding from the Global Fund has also been unpredictable. In the wake of repeated corruption allegations, in 2009 the Fund approved just under 6 percent of Uganda’s request. Kenya also has frequently run into a collision with the Global Fund over accounting issues, which has resulted in delayed release of subsequent allocations[xv]. Only Malawi, dubbed the model of success in the sub-Saharan African fight against AIDS, stands alone in this respect- the country is said to have actually doubled its own health spending. African governments can learn a lesson from the trend in Latin America, Asia, and the Middle East, where most governments double their health budgets while receiving aid[xvi].

Without enhanced international assistance and strong commitment by African governments to immediately increase budgetary allocations to the health sector, including for the purchase of ARVs, achievement of universal access to HIV treatment will remain an illusion. It is the hope that the resolution at the recent African Union Summit in Kampala, 19 to 27 July 2010, committing African leaders to invest more in ‘community health workers’ and to meet the Abuja target of investing up to 15% of government expenditure to health, will not simply gather dust like others in the past decade.

Another challenge, not frequently verbalized in medical circles, is ensuring access to appropriate diets for people entering HIV treatment programmes. Addressing the nutritional needs of such people has not been adequately prioritized within HIV and AIDS prevention, care and mitigation programmes that are currently underway in many sub-Saharan African countries. This is despite the knowledge that HIV infection, food and nutrition are closely linked, and cumulative evidence suggests that bolstering the nutrition of HIV infected persons can sustain them in active productive life, delay the onset of AIDS and permit longer survival. Malnutrition, an endemic problem in many parts of the region, is known to exacerbate the effects of HIV by further weakening the immune system, and contributing to poor tolerance to, as well as effectiveness of ARVs[xvii].

Among the major concerns voiced by groups of people living with HIV in five African countries visited by the writer[xviii], was food shortage, especially balanced diet that they are regularly advised to take while on treatment with ARVs[xix]. For example, one person in Zambia complained that he had been instructed to eat five meals a day while on treatment; this at a time when he could barely get one meal per day! The result is that many simply did not take their drugs.

Adequate nutrition improves the effectiveness of HIV treatment and sustains quality of life. In view of this, nutritional assistance should be an important component of HIV treatment programmes. This may be in the form of nutritional assessment, counseling, and increasing access to food, either provided directly, or through social protection programmes such as cash transfers, or facilitated income generation activities. In the long run, mitigation of the impacts of HIV and AIDS should include interventions that focus on increasing access to food and improved diets for HIV infected persons, for example, through measures that enhance household incomes, and improved agricultural productivity.

Related link

Food insecurity a serious threat to achieving universal access to HIV treatment in Kenya-millennium development goal Target 6B


[i] Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) and World Health Organization (WHO) AIDS epidemic update: November 2009.

[ii] World Health Organization, United Nations Children’s Fund, UNAIDS (2009). Towards universal access: scaling up priority HIV/AIDS interventions in the health sector. Geneva, World Health Organization.

[iii] Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) and World Health Organization (WHO) AIDS epidemic update: November 2009.

[iv] Dr Ibrahim Mohamed Scale up of access to ART in Kenya National Aids Control Program; Ministry of Medical Services Kenya, November, 2009

[v] National AIDS and STI Control Programme, Ministry of Health, Kenya. July 2008. Kenya AIDS Indicator Survey 2007: Preliminary Report. Nairobi, Kenya.)

[vi] Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) and World Health Organization (WHO) AIDS epidemic update: November 2009.

[vii] Jahn A et al. (2008). Population-level effect of HIV on adult mortality and early evidence of reversal after introduction of antiretroviral therapy in Malawi. Lancet, 371:1603–1611; Mermin J et al. (2008). Mortality in HIV-infected Ugandan adults receiving antiretroviral treatment and survival of their HIV-uninfected children: a prospective cohort study. Lancet, 371:752–759.

[viii] National AIDS Control Council, National AIDS/STI Control Programme. Sentinel surveillance of HIV and AIDS in Kenya 2006. Nairobi, National AIDS Control Council, National AIDS/STI Control Programme, 2007.

[ix] Attia S et al. (2009). Sexual transmission of HIV according to viral load and antiretroviral therapy: systematic review and meta-analysis. AIDS, 23:1397–1404.

[x] UNAIDS (2008). Report on the global AIDS epidemic. Geneva, UNAIDS.

[xi] National AIDS and STI Control Programme, Ministry of Health, Kenya. July 2008. Kenya AIDS Indicator Survey 2007: Preliminary Report. Nairobi, Kenya.)

[xii] These include the Anti-Counterfeit Act of 2008 in Kenya, the Counterfeit Goods Bill in Uganda and the EAC Anti-Counterfeits Bill

[xiv] Esther Nakkazi Uganda: ARV Shortage Sets in As Aids Funding Falls East African 3 August 2009: http://allafrica.com/stories/200908031372.html

[xv] Gatonye Gathura and David Njagi Kenya: Row With Global Fund on Cards Daily Nation On The Web 5 October 2009: http://allafrica.com/stories/200910051673.html

[xviii] During 2006/7 the writer had the privilege of interacting with groups of PLWHA in Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe, whilst a consultant to Heifer International of Little Rock, Arkansas, USA.

[xix] Japheth Mati (2010) Food insecurity a serious threat to achieving universal access to HIV treatment in Kenya (Millennium Development Goal Target 6B) http://blog.marsgroupkenya.org/?tag=africa-health-info

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