Tag Archives: Health

What will define Kenya’s Health Care System in Devolved County Governments?

 

 

President Kibaki in a past event. He presided over the handing of ambulances to District Hospitals

With the impending devolution of healthcare management functions to the counties anxiety looms over the levels of preparedness for such an undertaking in all the counties. In an earlier post a number of challenges were identified, including uneven inter-county levels of development- unequal distribution of resources for health especially the distribution of health facilities, human resources, and poorly developed communication infrastructure. Also unevenly distributed across the country are poverty levels, the effect of which is to make health services largely inaccessible to a large chunk of the population that cannot afford the high out-of-pocket expenditures, which prevail in Kenya. This post reviews the extent to which the decentralisation policy of the Ministry of Health (MOH) has been implemented and how this may impact on assumption of fully devolved management of health services by county governments.

The term “decentralisation” has been used to signify a variety of reforms characterized by the transfer of fiscal, administrative, and/or political authority for planning, management, or service delivery from the central MOH to alternate institutions. “Devolution” is a category of decentralisation; it implies the ceding of sectoral functions and resources to autonomous local governments, which in some measure take responsibility for service delivery, administration, and finance.

Despite decades of intention to decentralise, Kenya’s health care system has remained largely centralised with decisions taken at MOH headquarters from where they are conveyed top-down through the provincial medical officers to the district level. Centralised functions at the headquarters include policy formulation, coordinating activities of all health players (government and non-governmental organizations), initiating and managing implementation of policy changes on various issues including charging of user fees, and undertaking monitoring and evaluation of impact of policy changes at the district level.

Centralised decision making may have contributed to, among others, regional disparities in the distribution of health services, inequities in resource allocations, and unequal access to quality health services, resulting in the wide regional differentials in health indicators which successive demographic and health surveys (KDHS) have highlighted[i].

On paper, the MOH through the various health sector strategic plans has expressed commitment to decentralisation intended to provide increased authority for decision making, resource allocation, and management of health care to the district and facility levels. For example, in 1992 the MOH established the District Health Management Teams (DHMTs) and the District Health Management Boards (DHMBs), which were charged with managing public health services at the district level. Together, the DHMT and DHMB are supposed to provide management and supervisory support to lower level health facilities (sub-district hospitals, health centres, and dispensaries).However, despite the fact that these bodies coordinate health activities in the district and may develop plans for spending cost sharing funds, the final decisions on budgets and resource allocation is retained at the central level. Lack of funds and transport are the most commonly cited reasons for failure by DHMTs to meet their supervision targets despite the near universal existence of documented supervision plans[ii]. Budgetary remittances to the districts have neither been regular nor timely.

Health care under devolved system of governance:

The Constitution of Kenya (2010) has assigned the larger portion of delivery of health services to Counties, the exception being the National Referral Services. This implies that Counties should bear overall responsibilities for planning, financing, coordinating delivery and monitoring of health services toward the fulfilment of right to ‘the highest attainable standard of health’.

For many Kenyans, devolution is looked upon as the answer to the persistent regional disparities in the distribution of health services and inequities in resource allocations. However, much as that is an ideal goal; its realisation may not be immediate, especially because of the current varied levels of preparedness within the counties. Some counties starting at a relative disadvantage will take time to build up their capacity and ability to use devolved resources well, which may lead to even wider disparities. Such counties will require particular assistance to catch-up. In the long run, success of devolution will depend on availability of resources (both financial and human) for counties to carry out their assigned functions, and their empowerment to use resources effectively.

The draft Kenya Health Sector Strategic & Investment Plan[iii](KHSSP)July 2012 – June 2018 proposes a three-pronged framework for overall health sector leadership, i.e: Partnership, Governance and Stewardship– which taken together should address the health agenda towards the fulfillment of the right to health.

The strategic plan proposes that within the counties, the stewardship responsibilities for health services will be exercised at three levels: the National Directorates for Health, the County health management teams, and County Health facility management teams. However, scrutiny of the prescribed responsibilities, functions and roles[iv] of these bodies portrays a continuation of dominance by MOH headquarters in matters to do with policy formulation, planning and priority setting, which leaves the county management teams to be purely concerned with programme implementation (under close supervision from above). This is unfortunate since it perpetuates central planning which has not always taken into consideration the peculiarities of our country’s diversity, with consequent wide disparities in health status.

Planning at the county level should enable better definition of local priorities and design of innovative models of service delivery that adapt to local conditions, e.g. serving pastoralist communities in arid and semi-arid areas. It also can improve quality and legitimacy owing to user participation in decision making; and greater equity through distribution of resources toward traditionally marginal regions and groups. Local hiring of service providers can improve staffing levels and appropriate deployment, especially in rural health facilities.

One major challenge facing proposed county health services is the serious shortage of resources, human and material, especially due to financial limitations. Currently the public health sector is seriously under-funded and is generally operating on shoe-string budgets, inadequate infrastructure and lack of essential supplies. Although better distribution and deployment of health personnel may somewhat alleviate current acute shortages in some counties, still more will be needed. Many counties will especially require strengthening in health planning and monitoring.

[i] Ministry of Health (MOH) 2006 Reversing the trends, The Second National Health Sector Strategic Plan of Kenya: Annual Operational Plan 2 2006/07. Nairobi, Kenya.

[ii] Ndavi, P.M., S. Ogola, P.M. Kizito, and K. Johnson. 2009. Decentralizing Kenya’s Health Management System: An Evaluation. Kenya Working Papers No. 1. Calverton, Maryland, USA: Macro International Inc.

[iii] Ministry of Medical Services and Ministry of Public Health & Sanitation KENYA HEALTH SECTOR STRATEGIC & INVESTMENT PLAN (KHSSP) July 2012 – June 2018: Transforming Health: Accelerating attainment of Health Goals

[iv] National Directorates for Health: provide overall direction- policy formulation, national strategic planning, priority setting, budgeting and resource mobilization, regulating, setting standards, formulating guidelines, monitoring and evaluation, and provision of technical backup to the county level. County Health Management Teams: Provide Strategic and operational leadership and stewardship for overall health management in the County, including resource mobilization, creation of linkages with national level referral health services, monitoring and evaluation, coordination and collaboration with State and Non state Stakeholders at the County level health services. County Health Facility Management Teams: Develop and implement facility health plans for levels 1–3 health care services; coordinate and collaborate with stakeholders through County Health Stakeholder Forums; undertake in-service training and capacity building; and supervision, monitoring and evaluation.

 

Advertisements

Medical practice changed for ever the moment AIDS arrived

Treatment Action Campaign activists in Cape Town South Africa, June 2012

 

The AIDS epidemic has changed practically every aspect of medical practice; from the way we view the disease, the accelerated global research to discover diagnostic tools, to unprecedented drug approval processes and speedy distribution and utilisation of new drugs. To date, manifestations of the AIDS virus are dealt with in practically all branches of medicine; unlike in the early years of the epidemic when cases were largely found in medical (internal medicine) wards, and even there they were isolated from the general patient population.

For example, the first AIDS cases admitted at the Kenyatta National Hospital were isolated in small dark cubicles in selected medical wards, often much against the wishes of the consultants in charge of the wards. No one physically touched the patients and medicines were placed on a stool and pushed inside the room by a nurse who stood clear of the door. Supposedly, the patient would reach the stool from his bed and collect not only the medicines, but also something to eat. When they died the corpse was placed in a black body-bag into which copious amounts of formalin would be poured. Relatives were not permitted to take the bodies for burial lest they spread the disease; the bodies had to be incinerated.

The AIDS virus has received the greatest attention of all time in medical history, more than any other pathogen; it has been as challenging to medical doctors, biomedical and social scientists, economists, theologians and philosophers alike, the pharmaceutical industry and drug regulatory authorities. Indeed, it is the combined effort of all these disparate groups and their quest to understand the disease that finally has shed some light at the end of the tunnel. As a result, today AIDS is not as perplexing as it once used to be. Within a span of under three decades HIV infection has changed from a death sentence to a chronic disease (at least where antiretroviral drugs-ARVs are readily available). This is unprecedented in medical history. For example, it took more than 400 years from the first recorded outbreak of syphilis in Europe (1494/1495) to identification of the causative organism, Treponema pallidum, in 1905 and discovery of the first effective treatment (Salvarsan) in 1910, before the wider availability of Penicillin in 1946. In contrast, the virus that is associated with AIDS was first identified by Montagnier et al. in France in 1983 and by Gallo et al. in the US in 1984, and within less than a decade, several drugs had already received FDA approval.

AIDS hit the world in 1981, first in California and New York in the United States. In 1982 the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) coined the term ‘acquired immunodeficiency syndrome’ (AIDS) and identified four “risk factors”: male homosexuality, intravenous drug use, Haitian origin, and hemophilia A. In 1983 a major outbreak of AIDS was reported among both men and women in central Africa, prompting the CDC to add female sexual partners of men with AIDS to its list of “risk groups”. Shortly afterwards, a history of blood transfusion and  female sex workers were added to the list, and before long the disease became a threat to all segments of society—though it still remains largely concentrated within the poorer and marginalised groups.

Kenyan Aids activists in Nairobi take their campaign in support of the Global Fund to the streets. Photograph: Sidi Sarrow

Amongst the significant impacts of AIDS on the practice of medicine, three can be pointed out, namely, increased precautionary actions by health care workers, safer blood supply (for blood transfusion), and disease activism. Specifically, the AIDS epidemic has impacted on medical practice in the following ways:

Safer infection prevention practices: Today health care workers have to treat all cases as being potentially infectious, and have to observe standard guidelines on infection prevention- to guard against cross-infection between cases, as well as protecting themselves from being infected by their patients. Hospital hygiene and safe injection practices, previously neglected in much of the developing world, have become topics of global concern. There are written instructions on how to handle blood and other bodily fluids, including the use of sterile gloves when handling blood and other body fluids, double gloving during surgery and wearing of visors to protect eyes from splashed blood. Health care workers are trained on safe handling of used needles and surgical blades (sharps), and there is a total ban on re use of syringes and needles. Hospitals would normally maintain registers of needle prick (stick) occurrences and administration of post-exposure ARV prophylaxis (PEP), etc. is administered to the staff involved.

In most countries today blood for transfusion is safer than previously. There has been more careful screening of blood for transfusion- to include besides HIV and syphilis- hepatitis B, A and C, malaria and other pathogens depending on the technological capability of the lab. This has been facilitated by creation of regionalised blood transfusion centres with capability for safe storage of larger volumes, and in contact with hospitals in the catchments areas.

The major challenge in countries like Kenya is ensuring sustained flow of resources to enable supply of the essential items needed for the above. Among the complaints raised by nurses and doctors in recent months are the lack of basic supplies such as protective gear- gloves, gowns and disinfectants. We must guard against slipping back to the days when gloves, syringes and needles were reused- as late as in the early 1990s! Fear of contracting HIV infection may influence choice of career. There have been anecdotal reports that today medicine is no longer the first choice for ‘A’ students in Kenya. A 1988 survey of house officers in the US, 25 percent of all respondents reported that they would not continue to care for AIDS patients if given a choice, while another study in 1991 reported that half of all primary care providers would not treat AIDS patients if they could avoid it[i]. A more recent study shows there is reluctance on the part of some nursing students in some regions of the world to provide care for people with HIV/AIDS, and recommends that educational programmes based on research evidence must play a leading role in developing strategies to help nursing students understand and overcome such attitudes[ii]. However, many would believe things have changed a lot for the better since then.

Disease activism:  In no other disease has there been as much advocacy as in the case of AIDS. For example, the response to the continuing presence of the so-called neglected tropical diseases (NTDs) stands in sharp contrast to the unparalleled achievement in addressing the HIV epidemic. Yet these diseases continue to cause massive but hidden and silent suffering, and frequently kill, largely because the people affected or at risk have little political voice. On the other hand, as mentioned above, the first cases of AIDS reported in the US involved highly educated men, many from the upper echelons of the American society. They soon realized their plight and, through a strong well organized lobby movement, fought hard for public attention and support of the search for ‘cure’. Within less than a decade their advocacy started bearing fruit. Patients also became more active participants in the research and drug development, sometimes not just being study subjects but actively helping in design of clinical trials.

Disease activism has played a major role in quickened drug approval processes, which was almost unheard of before AIDS patients spoke up, and is now becoming common among a whole range of other illnesses, including breast cancer. Although the strongest AIDS activism in Africa has largely been concentrated in South Africa, organised groups of PLWHA in other countries are increasingly becoming vocal in demanding increased access to ARVs as well as to TB and Malaria treatment. One area of success for global disease activism is increased availability of low priced generic drugs

Spill-over effects of research: Funding for AIDS research has surpassed expenditures for any other disease. According to UNAIDS in 2008, an estimated US$15.6 billion was spent on HIV and AIDS compared to US$300 million in 1996. However, a 2010 UNAIDS report warned that flattening of global funding for HIV research may limit ability of researchers to move promising approaches forward, especially in search for a vaccine.

The extensive research connected with AIDS has spilled over into a greater understanding of other chronic diseases especially cancer. Sexually transmitted diseases research, prevention and treatment is another area that has received renewed attention since AIDS, as sexual and reproductive health gained renewed prominence. The frequency with which Tuberculosis occurs in HIV-infected persons has led [1]to a resurgence of interest in the diagnosis and treatment of this ancient disease, while advances in the treatment of HIV-associated Opportunistic Infections have benefited other immune-suppressed persons.

Scientific advances have resulted in the development of lifesaving, albeit not curative, treatment for HIV. By the end of 2009, more than 5 million persons in low- and middle-income countries were accessing Antiretroviral Therapy (ART), unimaginable just a few years before and made possible through the use of generic drugs, price reductions for brand-name drugs, and efforts of international donors through initiatives such as the US PEPFAR and the Global Fund. The increasing availability of highly effective ARVs have transformed the way doctors look at HIV infection, and so too has terminal care changed. What had previously been an emphasis on simply maintaining life is increasingly shifting to give greater weight on quality of life, comfort and individual productivity.

Research on the prevention of mother-to-child transmission of HIV has led to interventions with the potential to virtually eliminate HIV disease in children (i.e. HIV-free generation). This should have a bearing on doctors’ attitudes towards childbearing for those infected with HIV, including investigating them for infertility. Research has identified viable options for HIV prevention in intravenous drug users, such as opioid substitution therapy and needle/syringe exchange.

Diminishing stigma: There was a time when doctors that treated AIDS cases were stigmatized and shun by other colleagues and patients. Even Hospital administrations quietly tried to discourage doctors from taking too many AIDS patients because it affected their facilities’ bottom lines. Today this is generally the least of their concerns. Even Insurance companies have opened up to people living with HIV albeit at much higher premium.

Typically, it has taken AIDS to bring the existence of marginalized groups such as sexual minorities to attention in low- and middle-income countries and to highlight their vulnerability and needs. They belong to what have been referred to as the ‘most at risk populations’ (MARPs), that include sex workers and their clients, men who have sex with men (MSM), and people who inject drugs (IDUs). It is recognised that failure to address these groups will compromise efforts towards reduction of new infections. As such it is unrealistic to operate as though they do not exist!

On the future: There is no better way of summarising the future of AIDS than to quote Dr Kevin M. De Cock, Director of the Center for Global Health at CDC in Atlanta: “Inevitably, the story of HIV/AIDS ‘could not be one of final victory. It could be only the record of what had to be done, and what assuredly would have to be done again in the never-ending fight against terror and its relentless onslaughts.’ An enduring frustration is that we will not know how the story of AIDS will finally end because the epidemic will outlast us. Yet the tide can be turned with principled pragmatism, adequate resources, trust in communities, and science as our guide”


[i] Infectious Disease News, June 2011, Infectious disease and the evolution of AIDS Thirty years since “patient zero,” how the world’s worst epidemic forever changed the specialty. http://www.healio.com/infectious-disease/hiv-aids/news/print/infectious-disease-news/%7BC1A89E60-E999-4FAB-A0FE-9DC54FD9AEED%7D/Infectious-disease-and-the-evolution-of-AIDS

[ii] Pickles D., King L. & Belani I. ( 2 0 0 9 ) Attitudes of nursing students towards caring for people with HIV/AIDS: thematic literature review. Journal of Advanced Nursing 65(11), 2262–2273. doi: 10.1111/j.1365-2648.2009.05128.x

 

Medical negligence and malpractice is rife in Kenya’s health facilities, a Public Inquiry reports

The recently launched report[i] of a public inquiry into violations of sexual and reproductive health rights in Kenya has highlighted the existence of widespread medical negligence and malpractice in health institutions. Indeed many of the complaints of mistreatment in health facilities, especially those raised by former obstetric patients, frequently bordered on medical negligence and malpractice. Medical negligence and malpractice interfere with the quality of care received by patients, and deny them enjoyment of the right to the highest standard of health care which is their constitutional right.

(Women are being counselled at a RH clinic. Picture source: J Mati)

Medical negligence can be defined as the commission of an act that a prudent person would not have done or the omission of a duty that a prudent person would have fulfilled, resulting in injury or harm to another person (patient)[ii]. Medical malpractice means bad, wrong, or injudicious treatment of a patient professionally, which results in injury, unnecessary suffering, or death. Malpractice and negligence may occur through omission of a necessary act as well as commission of an unwise or negligent act[iii]. This may be in the form of misdiagnosis, wrong decisions and treatment, prescription errors, and medical or surgical complications, all of which may result in suffering, permanent injury or death.

In Kenya, medical, nursing and midwifery practices are regulated by statutory authorities, including the Medical Practitioners and Dentists Board[iv] (established under Cap 253 Laws of Kenya), the Nursing Council of Kenya[v] (established under the Nurses Act Cap 257 Laws of Kenya) and the Clinical Officers Council (established under the Clinical Officers [Training, Registration and Licensing] Act Cap 260 Laws of Kenya)[vi]. These bodies are obliged to protect members of the public by ensuring that the medical practitioners (including dentists), nurses and midwives, and clinical officers are properly qualified, that they perform their services to patients with skill and diligence, and that they observe at all times high moral and ethical standards

Evidence regarding alleged mistreatment in health institutions was received at all sittings of the Inquiry, and among the witnesses raising complaints of medical negligence and malpractice the majority were obstetric cases that suffered various types of injury and suffering to themselves and their babies. Complaints of long waiting periods and delays in getting attended to in health facilities were common. Sometimes this was occasioned by doctors or midwives on call refusing to come when summoned, or due to shortage of staff. Associated with the above were complaints of negligent management of labour resulting in stillbirth, mentally handicapped child and maternal death. There were other complaints of persons who had been subjected to various surgical procedures such hysterectomy without their consent (See below). In spite of this, hardly any of the complaints had been reported to the regulatory authorities.

Selected examples of specific complaints of medical negligence and malpractice:

· Denial of information- failure to explain the nature of illness or injury and the modality of treatment and its consequences. In particular, there was inadequate information given to the patients before and after surgery.

 Sterilisation without consent:

A mother of three was admitted with abruptio placenta at a Mission Hospital, where she was later taken to theatre for C Section and, unknown to her, bilateral tubal ligation was carried out. She was not informed of the latter and since she did not wish to conceive shortly after the operation she commenced on a family planning method. She had taken two doses of Depo Provera when a doctor (elsewhere) happened to read her discharge card which showed she had actually been sterilised!

· Case of malpractice-  Doctor who was drunk;

A case of ruptured uterus and fetal death:

A woman was admitted at a public District Hospital in early labour. She had previously delivered by C Section and so was asked to sign consent for repeat CS which she did. However, a doctor who was drunk saw her in the Labour Ward and asked her to begin pushing the baby, without any success. He then tried unsuccessfully to apply forceps. By the time she eventually was taken to the operating theatre her uterus had already ruptured, the baby had died, and she subsequently developed difficulty in controlling urine (?Vesico Vaginal Fistula). She has not conceived since then and she could as well have had a hysterectomy done.

· Case of medical negligence- denial of services

Forgotten foreign bodies after surgery:

A relative told of the case of a woman who had a C section performed by a doctor during which an abdominal pack was (accidentally) forgotten in the abdomen. When she returned 2 weeks later complaining of abdominal pain and swelling she was told she needed another operation to remove a foreign body which required further payment. This could not be done because she did not have any more money. The patient died of complications most probably associated with the foreign body.

 Another case was that of a single mother of two who delivered normally at a Health Centre (Level 3). An episiotomy had been performed and a swab left in the vagina which should have been removed after a few hours. However, the patient was not informed about it, and the swab was left in for 2 weeks. By that time infection had set in and she had also developed faecal incontinence (?RVF). She is now ashamed of her condition and has not mentioned it to anyone except her mother. [It is a possibility that she suffered rectal injury when the episiotomy incision was made].

 · Negligent management- failure to apply standard procedures:

Management of labour in a HIV+ woman did not conform to guidelines for prevention of mother to child transmission of HIV infection: An HIV+ woman was admitted at a public District Hospital with ruptured membranes. Her husband, also HIV positive, told the staff that they had been advised by another doctor that the delivery should be by CS, but this was declined, besides, she was not given ARV therapy as instructed in the PMTCT guidelines. Instead, she was allowed to have a prolonged labour, delivering a fresh stillborn child.

Failure to give an essential prophylaxis:

A primigravida at term was admitted in a private hospital where she had made several antenatal visits. Her labour was uneventful, delivering a healthy male child. However, although she had been informed at the same hospital that she was Rhesus Negative she was not offered a standard vaccine, anti-D gamma globulin to protect against Rhesus iso-immunisation. In addition, she was not advised what to do in case of a subsequent pregnancy.

· Negligent management of labour, doctor refused to come to the hospital when summoned:

A mother of three was admitted to a public District Hospital in labour where she remained for 48 hours without delivery mainly because the only doctor who could do a C Section refused to come. When eventually the doctor came she was taken to theatre, delivered of a very depressed child who breathed after prolonged resuscitation, but the mother died on the table. The child is now intellectually handicapped.

· Negligent management- Hysterectomy performed without consent

Hysterectomy performed without consent on a disabled person:

A woman with dwarfism (possibly achondroplasia) was diagnosed with uterine fibroids at a provincial Hospital and advised she needed an operation to remove the fibroids. She was taken to theatre but afterwards was not explained what had been done. When three weeks later she realised that a hysterectomy had been performed she sought explanation from the doctor. She was taken aback when the doctor wondered aloud if in her condition she really expected to get a baby!

Hysterectomy performed in a woman diagnosed with an ovarian cyst:

A married woman, a mother of four girls had hope that a boy would come someday. She was seen at a Provincial Hospital complaining of abdominal pain, where an ovarian cyst was diagnosed and confirmed by an ultrasound scan. She was advised to undergo an operation in order to remove the cyst; at no time was possibility of a hysterectomy mentioned. “Later when I read the discharge summary it stated that the uterus had a fibroid and a hysterectomy was performed. That shattered our hope for another child, perhaps a son”. She has contemplated suing the doctor but does not have the resources to do so.

Hysterectomy performed possibly because of intractable post-partum haemorrhage:

A woman in her first pregnancy was under care of a private obstetrician who saw her several times during pregnancy. When she went two weeks past the due date he admitted her at a private hospital for induction of labour, but for three days labour did not set in. However, when labour started on the fourth day her doctor was nowhere to be found; it was not until the next day that he appeared in the middle of the night and attempted to deliver her by vacuum extraction, but this was abandoned because there was a lot of bleeding. She was then taken to theatre and a CS was performed- a baby boy weighing 4kg. When she was returned to the ward the bleeding continued and had to be returned to theatre again, but was not told what was done there. “What annoyed me the most was that the details of my operations were only made known to my husband when he went to clear the bills, and then it was not until three months later that my husband actually informed me of the loss of my uterus. After some years, my husband left me for another woman and to have more children. I contemplated suing the obstetrician, but another doctor dissuaded me saying whatever was done was to save my life”.

Conclusions

The Public Inquiry report makes specific recommendations addressing the various aspects of maltreatment, medical negligence and malpractice in health institutions. It specifically calls on the Government to implement the provisions of Article 43 (1a) in the Constitution of Kenya (2010) and to ensure that health facilities at all levels are adequately staffed and equipped to provide quality health services.

The Ministry of Health and health professional regulatory bodies should ensure adherence to internationally accepted ethical standards and guidelines that govern medical practice with a view to eliminating the rampant cases of mistreatment, medical negligence and malpractice, in health facilities. The codes of practice must incorporate the obligations of health care providers to their patients, and should outline the rights of the patient with clear penalties spelt out in cases where the provisions are not adhered to. The government must make it mandatory that all health facilities establish complaint mechanisms aimed to enable clients forward their complaints to the relevant authorities for action in cases where they feel violated.

Finally, there is urgent need to increase the number of health care providers, across the country. Health training institutions have a duty to inculcate among their trainees high moral standards and respect for patients’ rights, including the right to information and informed consent. The government should recruit, train, employ and deploy more health personnel, and strengthen supervision, with a view to address the current shortage that is being experienced throughout the country.


[i]Kenya National Commission on Human Rights: A Report of the Public Inquiry into Violations of Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights in Kenya, April 2012.

[ii]Mosby’s Medical Dictionary, 8th edition. © 2009, Elsevier.

 [iii] Miller-Keane Encyclopedia and Dictionary of Medicine, Nursing, and Allied Health, Seventh Edition. © 2003 Saunders, an imprint of Elsevier.

 

Selected case studies of women who were denied enjoyment of ‘right to health’ in Kenya

 

A review of ‘Human Rights Issues in maternal health care in Kenya: Do Kenyan women enjoy the right to maternal health?’ and ‘Barriers to enjoyment of health as a human right in Africa’ provides a useful background to the case studies.

The recently launched report by the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights[i] highlights several incidents and situations where women were denied their right to health care services both because of non-availability of resources and non-affordability of services, as well as misdeeds on the part of health care providers. People living with disabilities (PWDs), in particular, complained of mistreatment, especially delays in getting attended to in health facilities. Most health institutions were not disabled-friendly in terms of infrastructure and means of communication, for example, facilities for sign language or Braille.

A Level 2 Health Facility at Mtwapa, Mombasa County (Picture: J Mati)

Witnesses raised several complaints related to the inefficient referral systems in several health facilities that caused considerable delays in obtaining higher level care, not infrequently resulting in fatal consequences for the women and their babies. This was particularly a serious problem when it came to referral of patients from levels 1 and 2 to appropriate higher level facilities.

In some cases, women in rural areas had to be transported on wheel barrows by family members or on donkey carts. Where hospitals had ambulances, the patients or the relatives were required to pay amounts ranging from KSHs. 500 to KSHs. 3,000 supposedly to fuel the vehicles. In situations where people were unable to pay, patients were denied treatment. In other instances, blood was not readily available in hospital blood banks, or the facilities lacked adequate infrastructure to obtain blood for emergency transfusions.

In Tana River, for example, a woman who developed complications after delivering at a dispensary (level 2) died while waiting to raise funds, through harambee, to fuel a government ambulance to take her to Hola District Hospital. A similar report is given in connection with a maternal death due to lack of transport between Magarini Dispensary and Malindi District Hospital, both in Kilifi County.

In Lamu County, patients who needed to be referred to Coast Provincial Hospital in Mombasa were reportedly required to pay between KSHs. 8,000 and KSHs. 10,000 to fuel the hospital’s ambulance. Where there are no ambulances, as in Wajir and Marsabit District Hospitals families had either to hire expensive taxis or resort to donkeys and camels to transport their sick members.

Witnesses testified that the high cost of hospital delivery, especially the fees charged at level 4 and 5 facilities, was a key hindrance to accessing skilled attendance at delivery. A witness during the inquiry stated thus: ‘Many women deliver at home because they do not have enough money to go to the hospital’.

 Corruption, especially among hospital management staff, was also cited as a barrier to accessing maternal health services. According to witness accounts from Kitale, corruption in health facilities meant that patients ended up paying for drugs and other items that ought to be provided for free. Similarly, bribes were solicited to facilitate earlier scheduling of surgical treatment, as stated by a witness at the Coast: “For one to get an operation done quickly at Coast General Hospital one has to pay bribes or know someone because there are long queues, so I left”.

Mistreatment in health facilities by unkind, cruel, sometimes inebriated hospital staff, who scolded, abused and even beat patients also features prominently in the report. So are delays in getting attended to in health institutions, particularly in the labour ward, where witnesses complained of being neglected during labour, in some cases ending in delivering unattended within the hospital. An example is the case of a woman who waited at the out-patients from 5am to 4pm before being admitted to the labour ward, ending up with a stillborn child. Women complained of being admitted in overcrowded wards and sharing of beds; up to three women with their babies sharing one bed, even when some of them were still bleeding, which exposed them to potential risk of infection, including HIV and Hepatitis B. Detaining of women for non-payment of hospital charges obviously contributes to congestion in hospital wards.

There were complaints of frequent lack of essential medicines, equipment, commodities and supplies in public health facilities resulting in denial of services to the needy. It was common in most public facilities for patients to be asked to purchase medicines, gloves and dressings, besides being referred to private institutions for specialised radiological and ultrasound diagnostic examinations. Essential resources for effective provision of sexual and reproductive health services were lacking in many health facilities. For example, many lacked the drugs needed for post-exposure prophylaxis (PEP) following sexual abuse including rape. The Inquiry established that non-availability of family planning commodities was a fundamental barrier to accessing comprehensive family planning in Kenya, this being illustrated by the frequent stock outs of commodities. There were complaints of frequent shortages of various contraceptives which denied clients a wide choice of family planning methods.

Several witnesses complained of negligent actions by doctors and midwives, for example, forgetting items such as surgical instruments or swabs in a patient’s abdomen; performing procedures such as hysterectomy without prior informed consent; poorly managed labour leading to ruptured uterus, maternal morbidities such as VVF and RVF, intra-uterine foetal death or a mentally handicapped child,. Other examples of negligent actions or omissions were performing episiotomy and failing to repair it, and failure to recognise accidental injury during surgery and failing to repair it immediately. There were women who complained that not enough information was given to them about the various diagnostic and treatment modalities they had been subjected to by health providers. In particular, there was inadequate information given to the patients before and after surgical procedures.

 The Report cites an article published in The Daily Nation Newspaper of 18th January 2011 on a case of maternal death associated with abortion:

“A woman aged 40 years who was held at Murang’a police station for allegedly procuring an abortion died after she developed complications while in the police cells. The Police said the woman was reported to have terminated the pregnancy by swallowing some chemical, and locked her up in a cell at the police station. They said she later developed complications and was being rushed to hospital when she died en route.”

 It can be argued that had the police taken the woman to a health care professional, instead of holding her in remand at the police station, she most likely would have survived. In other words this was a case of preventable death associated with denial of enjoyment of right to health. Yet this was after the promulgation of the Constitution of Kenya 2010 which has relaxed the rigidity on termination of pregnancy that existed previously. Article 26 (4) permits safe abortion if in the opinion of a trained health professional, there is need for emergency treatment, or the life or health of the mother is in danger, or if permitted by any other written law.

What can be learned from the above case studies?

Clearly, they demonstrate that Kenya has yet to address the well known factors and barriers that have over the years sustained the prevailing high rates of maternal and newborn mortality and morbidity. Maternal health services that are inaccessible, non-affordable and of poor quality, have been perpetuated by several serious weaknesses in the health systems- inadequate capacity in terms of human resources and health infrastructure, negligence and malpractices especially among over-worked de-motivated health service providers, and various socio-cultural barriers, among others. Addressing these barriers is a prerequisite to meeting local and international goals and targets including the Vision 2030 and Millennium Development Goals.


[i] A Report of the Public Inquiry into Violations of Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights in Kenya

Barriers to enjoyment of health as a human right in Africa

The full enjoyment of the ‘Right to Health’ in most African countries is constrained by several pervasive barriers that are the subject of the current review, which urges that governments urgently adopt human rights based approaches to all health interventions in order to ensure equitable distribution of health resources throughout all sections of communities.

The Concept of Health as a Human Right: Health is a basic need for human existence and survival and as such, it is a right that must be respected, promoted and protected by government and society. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that “Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for health and well-being of himself and his family”. The concept of health as human right is stated in the Preamble of the World Health Organization’s Charter (1946), and also in the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966). Art. 12 states of health as a human right: “the right of everyone to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health”. The Declaration of Alma Ata (WHO, 1978) stated: “Health, which is the state of complete physical and social well-being, and not merely the absence of infirmity, is a fundamental human right…. the attainment of the highest possible level of health is a most important worldwide social goal.” The right to health is fundamental to the physical and mental well-being of all individuals and is a necessary condition for the exercise of other human rights including the pursuit of an adequate standard of living. Indeed health is fundamental to enjoyment of the right to life, and the right to a healthy life is fundamental to all other constitutional guarantees.

Right to Health is a Constitutional Issue Besides the South African Constitution[i], the Constitution of Kenya (2010), which was promulgated in August 2010, is among the most progressive constitutions in Africa. It provides for the right to health care services. Article 43(1)(a) in the chapter on Bill of Rights states that every person has the right to the highest attainable standard of health, which includes the right to health care services, including reproductive health care, and in Article 43(2), that a person shall not be denied emergency medical treatment. Further, Article 27(2) guarantees equality and freedom from discrimination, and the full and equal enjoyment of all rights and fundamental freedoms. The Constitution obligates the government to take legislative, policy and other measures to achieve the progressive realization of the rights as guaranteed in the Constitution, including the right to health. The Right to Equality encompasses within itself the right of a poor patient to quality health care, regardless of their ability to pay.

Right to reproductive health care services: The concept of reproductive rights as a fundamental human right was endorsed at the 1994 International Conference of Population and Development in Cairo, Egypt. The constellation of rights, embracing fundamental human rights established by earlier treaties, was reaffirmed at the 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, China, and in various international and regional agreements since, as well as in many national laws. They include the right to decide the number, timing and spacing of children, the right to voluntarily marry and establish a family, and the right to the highest attainable standard of health, among others.

That reproductive rights are central to meeting international development goals was recognized by the UN World Summit of September 2005, which also endorsed the goal of universal access to reproductive health. Reproductive rights are recognized as valuable ends in themselves, and essential to the enjoyment of other fundamental rights. Attaining the goals of sustainable, equitable development requires that individuals are able to exercise control over their sexual and reproductive lives.

Right to reproductive health care services is explicitly recognised in the Constitution of Kenya (2010), just as it is recognized or implied in several international and regional instruments (see above), including the United Nations Millennium Development Goals (2000); the Maputo Plan of Action on Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (2006); and the Campaign on Accelerated Reduction of Maternal Mortality in Africa (CARMMA) (2009).

Barriers to enjoyment of Right to Health

1. General issues

Enjoyment of right to health in Africa, besides the inadequate financing of the health sector (see below), is indirectly constrained by several factors that operate at the regional and national levels, and mostly outside the mandate of the health sector. These include poverty, food insecurity and hunger, persistent violent conflicts and displacement of persons, heavy disease burden especially due to HIV and AIDS, and the pervasive gender-based negative traditions such as early marriage, female circumcision and lack of women’s empowerment all of which have profound effects on reproductive health outcomes.

2. Inadequate Funding to Health sector

Many governments in Africa have yet to recognise the importance of health in the overall national development, and expenditure on health is not adequately perceived as a critical economic investment alongside spending on education, agriculture or industries. Health is a critical resource for development, without which investment in all other sectors would go to waste. Poor health impacts negatively on economic productivity, through loss of labour, and under-performance due to illness. Poor health creates critical barriers to any measures intended to uplift the social wellbeing of poor and disadvantaged communities.

The levels of health budgets in most African countries do not demonstrate that health is rated as a high priority among other national needs. Despite the fact that in 2001 African countries pledged in Abuja, to increase health sector budgetary allocation to 15% of government expenditure, and although they repeated this pledge in Kampala in July 2010, in most countries national budgetary allocations for health remain far below this target. A 2007 report of the Regional Network for Equity in Health in East and Southern Africa (EQUINET)[ii] which looked into the progress made in various Southern and East African countries towards achieving the Abuja target, showed that with few exceptions most of the countries were still lagging far behind this target seven years since the declaration.

In Kenya, for the fiscal year 2010-11 just about 5.5 percent of the total Government expenditure was allocated to the ministries of Medical Services and Public Health and Sanitation. This translates to less than $1 per capita expenditure, against the recommended figure of $34 which WHO recommends for effective implementation of health interventions.

Figure 1: Real gross expenditure to the health sector, compared to overall gross Kenya Government expenditure (2007/08 – 2011/12)[iii]

A concern of particular relevance to achieving MDG5 is the disproportionate allocation within the health budget to reproductive health care services. Africa Union’s Maputo Plan of Action for Universal Access to Comprehensive Sexual and Reproductive Health Services in Africa (2007-2010) recommended an increase in per capita expenditures to about 18-24% of the $34 per capita recognized by the WHO. However, in many countries the allocation remains much below these figures.

At the international level, global assistance for reproductive health including family planning, financing has fallen in all recipient countries. Figure 2 shows that whereas there has been a steady increase in overall assistance for health, the amount focused on reproductive health and family planning has remained more or less unchanged since the year 2000.

Figure 2: Total international assistance to health and allocation to reproductive health care programmes (2000-2009)

Source: The Millennium Development Goals Report 2011

 

3. Lack of Equity in Planning for health and distribution of resources resulting in inequitable Access to Health Care services:

Physical access to services (distance to nearest Health Facility): Health care utilization is known to be greatly negatively impacted by distance to health care facilities and access to means of transportation. A study[iv] in western Kenya which explored the impact of distance on utilisation of sick child services in rural health facilities established that for every 1 km increase in distance of residence from a clinic, the rate of clinic visits decreased by 34% from the previous kilometer. According to the Kenya National Bureau of Statistics[v], on average only 6.4 percent of people in Kenya can reach a health facility within one kilometre of their residence; nearly a half (47.7%) of the people have to travel 5km or further to reach the nearest health facility, with marked regional variations (Table 1).

 

Figure 3: Proportion of community that has to travel 5km or more to the nearest health facility in Kenya

(Source: The Kenya Integrated Household Budget Survey (KIHBS) 2005/06).

For example, the proportion of people who live 5km or further from the nearest health facility ranges from 20% and 29% respectively in Nairobi and Central regions to 60%, 64% and 86% respectively in Coast, Eastern and North Eastern regions. The geographical dimension must be taken into consideration when planning health care interventions, especially when targeting socio-economically disadvantaged groups.

Affordability of services: Big disparities exist between the poor and the better off with respect to access to health care services which explains the wide gaps in health outcomes not only between rich and poor countries, but also between the wealthy and the poor in most countries. Generally, the poor lack access to health care in terms of: availability, affordability, and acceptability. Poor people are denied access to health care: (a) where public health facilities lack essential drugs, supplies and commodities; (b) where people have to travel long distances to reach health facilities, especially where public transport is scarce; (c) when fees charged for services (cost-sharing) are unaffordable, and even if there is official exemption (e.g. for pregnant women and children under five) or waiver of fees, people still end up paying on top, for drugs and transport (out-of-pocket expenditure); and (d) where people lack confidence in the services provided at local public health facilities and decide not to utilise them (e.g. poor quality services or negative provider attitudes).

The poor bear the heaviest burden of out-of-pocket health expenditures, irrespective of where they seek health care. In Kenya, data from the National Health Accounts (NHA) for fiscal year 2001/2002 showed that Kenyan households were financing over half of all health expenditures[vi], clearly justifying a conclusion that ill-health contributes to, and perpetuates, poverty because health costs deplete people’s meagre resources. In addition, there is considerable evidence to suggest that by and large public spending on health tends to benefit the better off more than the poor. Quite often it is the better off who get the most from public health services, especially hospital care. In other words, government’s investment in health services, far from promoting equity, works against it[vii].

FY 2001/2002 National Health Accounts (NHA) estimation in Kenya

Inadequate financing of the health sector and inequitable distribution of resources explain the major gaps and disparities in health indicators in most African countries, which have featured repeatedly in successive surveys such as the Demographic and Health Survey (DHS). It is important to realise that because of the size of the poorest population, countries cannot hope to achieve health-related MDGs without urgent implementation of inclusive policies in the planning of health interventions.

Addressing barriers to enjoyment of right to health

Governments must strive to address the pervasive barriers to enjoyment of right to health (including sexual and reproductive health) by all citizens by implementing human rights based approach to all interventions aimed at improving the health of the community. This will empower people to participate in decision making and health policy development, as well as strengthening their capacity to hold the health managers and providers accountable. Ministries of Health should work out clear strategies that seek to make health services inclusively available and accessible, of good quality, affordable and culturally acceptable. It is particularly important to adopt evidence-based planning which should ensure equitable distribution of health resources throughout all sections of communities.

Governments in Africa urgently need to recognise the importance of health in the overall national development, and support it by making appropriate budgetary allocation to the health sector along other critical economic investments. In addition, the international community also needs to examine their funding policies over the last decade or so, which have resulted in stagnation of financing of reproductive health especially family planning programmes.


[ii] Equinet (2007). Reclaiming the Resources for Health: A regional analysis of equity in health in East and Southern Africa. Fountain Publishers Kampala, Uganda.

[iii] Figures based on gross approved expenditure (2007/8 – 2010/11) and gross estimates (2011/12). Figures indexed to inflation at 2007 CPI.

[iv] Feikin DR, Nguyen LM, Adazu K, et al., The impact of distance of residence from a peripheral health facility on pediatric health utilisation in rural western Kenya. Trop Med Int Health. 2009 Jan;14(1):54-61. Epub 2008 Nov 14. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/19021892

[v] Kenya National Bureau of Statistics (KIHBS) BASIC REPORT – www.knbs.or.ke/pdf/Basic%20Report%20(Revised%20Edition).pdf

[vi] www.who.int/entity/nha/country/Kenya_NHA%202002.pdf; Adam Leive, Ke Xu. Coping with out-of-pocket health payments: empirical evidence from 15 African countries. Bulletin of the World Health Organization Volume 86, Number 11, November 2008, 849-856

[vii] Davidson R. Gwatkin (2003) Free Government Health Services: Are They the Best Way to Reach the Poor?

Factors contributing to Africa’s failure in achieving MDG5 by Japheth Mati

ABSTRACT[1]

The latest UN Report on MDGs reveals considerable reductions in maternal mortality in most regions of the world except in the sub-Saharan Africa where, despite progress having accelerated since 2000, very high maternal mortality ratios and low rates of access to universal reproductive health services, still persist. This discussion highlights several challenges that operate both at the regional and country levels. The challenges at the regional level include poverty, food insecurity, persistent violent conflicts, inadequate budgetary allocation to health sector, and heavy disease burden. At the country level are the persistent inequalities in access to health care both between countries and within individual countries. A review of the status of MDG 5 indicators particularly focusing on the known drivers of maternal mortality reductions shows that most SSA countries fall far below the targets, to the extent that they are least likely to achieve this goal by 2015. Successive national surveys show disparities which relate to wealth status and area of residence, both reflecting a lack of equitable distribution of health services. Two key challenges stand in the way of addressing these inequalities- improving human resources for health, and strengthening health systems. A critical cross-cutting determinant for both is the proportion of national budgets allocated to reproductive health services. In addition, donor-dictated policies of budgetary ceilings on certain expenditures, including hiring of health professionals, constitute another obstacle. Finally, SSA countries are particularly adversely affected by the drop in international aid towards reproductive health, and especially the financing of family planning programmes.


[1] Abstract of an invited presentation at the FIGO World Congress October 7 – 12, 2012

 

Do HIV infected women in Kenya have the guaranteed right to free choice contraception?

Government’s commitment to voluntary and free-choice family planning practices comes to question as Kenyan HIV infected women continue being coerced to use the IUCD. The Citizen TV on November 22, 2011 ran a story[1] about a widow in Mbita who has benefited from a fish farming venture supported by a grant from an American based non-governmental organisation. The sole qualification she needed to qualify for the grant was to be HIV positive and willing to be fitted with an intrauterine contraceptive device (IUCD). It is probable that this poor widow had no choice but to accept the condition- she needed help to support her family and, to that end, would take considerable risk. The question here is whether she had any choice in embarking on this method of family planning? Is it fair to assume she was in fact coerced to accept an IUCD by the grant of much needed cash?  What is the position of the Kenya Government on the matter?

Cash for contraception? Photo: Edgar Mwakaba/IRIN

According to Prof Peter Anyang’ Nyong’o, Minister for Medical Services, family planning practice should be voluntary[1]. Service providers must educate clients on the range of choices available, and let them choose that which suits them best. “But to flash money and say take this – no, that is not how to do it!” he added. However, it is not clear what the Minister has done to arrest the coercive practices.

Coerced sterilization of HIV-positive women came to light in 2007 when 13 cases were documented in Namibia[2]. Shortly afterwards there were reports of HIV-positive women in Kenya being paid money to accept long-term contraceptive methods, particularly IUCD[3]. These activities in Kenya (which include the case in point) are supported by Project Prevention, an American NGO founded in 1997 which also pays female drug users in the U.S. and UK to be sterilized. Whereas HIV-positive women do have a legitimate need for FP services, like every other woman they are entitled to exercise choice free of coercion or manipulation through incentives. Use of incentives and disincentives to pressure poor people to be sterilized was rejected at both the 1994 International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) in Cairo, and the 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing. In particular, the Beijing Platform for Action states clearly that “The human rights of women include their right to ….decide freely and responsibly on matters related to their sexuality, including sexual and reproductive health, free of coercion, discrimination and violence”.

Coercion for sterilisation through incentives reached its peak in India during the rule of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, with her government’s policy of sterilising (vasectomy) millions of Indian men who had fathered two or more children, being compensated with a transistor radio! This policy was ruthlessly and often illegally applied to the extent it came to symbolize the dangers of authoritarian rule[4]. It is notable that payment for sterilisation continues in India to this very day; for example, a medical college was recently reported to pay men that opt for non-scalpel vasectomy 1,100 Indian Rupees[5]. In Uttar Pradesh, to obtain a shotgun licence requires two people being sterilised; for a revolver licence, the price would be five. Wealthy farmers have managed to stock their armory through forcible sterilization of their poor farm hands![6]

Proponents of coerced contraception are usually driven by the wish to create an HIV-free tomorrow by preventing birth of children infected by their mothers. It is known that in Africa before the advent of antiretroviral drugs up to 40 percent of children born to HIV infected mothers were also infected. However, in Kenya, there has been an increasing access to services for prevention of mother-to-child HIV transmission (PMTCT), most often offered at antenatal clinics and at delivery. According to the Kenya Service Provision Assessment Survey of 2010, 58% of all health facilities nationwide offered some component of PMTCT services, with 33% of these facilities providing all four components for the minimum PMTCT package (HIV testing with pre- and post-test counseling, ARV prophylaxis for mother and newborn, counseling on infant feeding, and FP counseling or referral). This is increasingly reducing the incidence of perinatal transmission as well as rates of mortality among infected children. Accumulated evidence to date shows that administration of antiretroviral therapy to the mother during pregnancy, labour and delivery, and then to the newborn, as well as delivery by Caesarean section for women with high viral loads, can reduce the rate of perinatal HIV transmission to well below 10 percent[7]. What this means is that despite the many challenges not addressed here, it is possible to dream of an HIV-free generation without having to resort to cruel acts of forced contraception for HIV infected persons. Indeed this was the view expressed by UNAIDS Executive Director Michel Sidibé, during a visit to a Millennium Villages Projects (MVP) in Kenya: “We have seen that it is possible to virtually eliminate infant HIV infections in high-income countries ….Now we must apply the knowledge and tools to create an AIDS-free generation in Africa and the rest of the world.”[8]


[1]Brett Davidson and Lydia Guterman. What’s Wrong with Paying Women to Use Long-Term Birth Control? February 21, 2011 http://blog.soros.org/2011/02/whats-wrong-with-paying-women-to-use-long-term-birth-control/ accessed October 22 2011

[3]Brett Davidson and Lydia Guterman. What’s Wrong with Paying Women to Use Long-Term Birth Control? February 21, 2011 http://blog.soros.org/2011/02/whats-wrong-with-paying-women-to-use-long-term-birth-control/ accessed October 22 2011

[4] “The World: The Issue that Inflamed India” Lawrence Malkin, TIME New Delhi Bureau Chief, Monday, Apr. 04, 1977

[5] Team to probe forced sterilisation charge Express News Service

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/team-to-probe-forced-sterilisation-

[6] Outrage at guns for sterilisation policy, Indian farmers given firearms licences as an incentive to curb population growth. Randeep Ramesh in Lakhimpur The Guardian, Monday 1 November 2004 23.56 GMT http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2004/nov/01/india.randeepramesh

Kenya Parliament passes motion calling for free cancer treatment but fails to point out simultaneously the deficient budgetary allocation to the public health sector.

Parliament recently passed a motion compelling the Government to make cancer treatment free for all Kenyans. This must come as a relief to thousands of Kenyans who are suffering now or in the future, from cancer but are unable to access treatment due to prohibitive costs. The cost of treatment for cancer in the public sector is beyond reach of majority of Kenyans.

A closer look at the contents of the motion presented by Member for Kandara, Hon James Maina Kamau, to the National Assembly on 1st September, 2011, brings out clearly the pathetic status regarding cancer in Kenya:

  •  82,000 new cancer cases are reported every year; [this being only tip of the iceberg];
  • An estimated 18,000 Kenyans die annually due to various cancers;
  • Most cancers are treatable when diagnosed early;
  • Availability and use of advanced technology is essential to early diagnosis and treatment of cancer;
  • Kenya lacks a national policy on cancer, cancer control law and national cancer strategy;
  • Diagnosis of cancer for majority of Kenyans is equivalent to receiving a death sentence owing to lack of access to facilities for proper treatment;
  • High and forbidding cost of cancer treatment is the ultimate barrier to accessing cancer treatment in Kenya.

However, what is clearly missing from the praiseworthy motion is an acknowledgement of the inadequacy of public investment towards minimizing cancer related suffering and deaths among Kenyans, despite the fact that Medical Services Minister Anyang’ Nyong’o admitted that under-funding constrained provision of services . In endorsing free cancer treatment MPs ought to have simultaneously demanded the immediate increase in budgetary allocation to the health sector, which can provide for meaningful free services as called for in the motion.

The Status of Maternal Health and Unsafe Abortion in Kenya

Unsafe abortion is a public health concern;

  • In order to achieve MDG 5 on Improving Maternal Health, it is imperative that the issue of unsafe abortions is addressed.
  • Unsafe abortion is an important contributor to the high maternal mortality rates in Kenya
  • Granted unsafe abortion is simply one of several contributors to MMR, BUT it is one we know how to prevent- an important public health principle
  • Incidence of unsafe abortion generally reflects the magnitude of unwanted pregnancies in any particular community.
  • Unsafe abortion can be effectively minimized by ensuring women have easy access to contraceptive services, backed up by a positive legal framework that facilitates safe abortion.

Read more on the  Status of Maternal Health and Unsafe Abortion in Kenya

Evolution of Modern Obstetrics and Gynaecology Practice in Kenya

In a previous post it was opined that although Kenya has the capacity to train the nurse workforce it needs, the prevailing challenge is ensuring all trained nurses and midwives are employed and efficiently deployed. The State of World’s Midwifery[i] 2011 observes that appropriate employment and deployment of skilled midwives is essential for Kenya to make meaningful progress towards achieving MDG 5. The current post seeks to highlight some of the milestones in the evolution of modern practice of midwifery and midwifery training in Kenya.

In colonial Kenya and before the mid-1960s, obstetrics and gynaecology were practiced as separate services located in different facilities. Whereas gynaecology services were availed as sub-specialty within the department of Surgery at the King George VI Hospital (later renamed Kenyatta National Hospital), midwifery services were considered a separate service altogether, provided in maternity homes that were usually sited some distance away from the main hospital. The tradition of building maternity wards some distance away from the main hospital arose as a long-practised measure to prevent cross infection especially from surgical patients. It also reflected the colonial policy that whereas the Government undertook to provide Africans with what was described as ‘complete medical care’, this service did not extend to obstetric care, which was regarded as a responsibility of the local authorities, the Municipal Councils or in the reserves, the African District Councils[ii].

The initiative to develop midwifery services in urban areas of Kenya is credited to the East African Women’s League (EAWL)[iii] which, “out of concern for the lack of a maternity ward for African women”, and with the encouragement of Lady Grigg (Governor‘s wife), founded the Lady Grigg Child Welfare and Maternity League in 1926. By 1928 the Lady Grigg Maternity Home at Pumwani (now the Pumwani Maternity Hospital) had been built. Other maternity hospitals followed, in Mombasa- Lady Grigg Maternity Hospital Mombasa (now part of the Coast Provincial General Hospital), and in Nairobi- the Social Service League Ngara Maternity Home (sadly, this has since ceased to be a hospital).

The EAWL also advocated for the training of African nurses and midwives, and all three maternity hospitals mentioned above undertook the training of the early midwives in Kenya (to enrolled midwife level). Later on, in pursuit of primary health care following the Alma Ata Declaration of 1978, midwifery training was incorporated into nursing training to produce the Enrolled Community Health Nurse. Training at registered midwife level had to wait until registered nurse training had started in Kenya. Training at para-medical level in Kenya can be traced back to 1927 when the first group of students was recruited for training as Medical Assistants at the Native Civil Hospital, (later re-named King George VI Hospital and Kenyatta National Hospital). This cadre was trained to provide both Nursing and Clinical services. These are the forerunner of the Clinical Officer of today. In 1952 the first batch of Kenya Registered Nurses commenced training at the King George VI Hospital and the Medical Training Centre (now Medical Training College)[iv]. Registered nurses could then undertake a further year’s training in midwifery to qualify for registration as Registered Midwife.

By 1954 of the 12 full time specialists at the King George VI Hospital, only one, Dr Peter L Candler specialised in gynaecology[v]. According to Peter Candler, the most common gynaecological condition he dealt with at that time was vaginal fistula resulting from lacerations during childbirth. This was followed by complications of generalised pelvic sepsis and infertility. However, he reported that ‘attempted’ abortion was unlikely among Africans because of the strong desire to bear children! Nearly two decades later when we came into the scene, the pattern of gynaecology had changed little, except in the case of abortion which had since become a prominent gynaecological problem.

The expansion of obstetrics and gynaecology services in Kenya is largely attributable to the University of Nairobi’s Department of Obstetrics and Gynaecology. The medical school in Nairobi was established through a presidential directive shortly after 1963, the year of Kenya’s independence. To implement the directive, the Ministry of Health with British Government financing, invited the University of Glasgow to assist in preparing the KNH as a teaching hospital ahead of the launch of the University of Nairobi Medical School in 1967. Thus, a team from Glasgow arrived, and in September 1965, oversaw the opening of the Obstetric Unit at the KNH. Initially, patients were ‘borrowed’ from the Pumwani Maternity Hospital through a process whereby one of the consultants would select a couple of women in early labour and transport them to the Obstetric Unit at KNH for their management. In addition, the Department ran, on behalf of the Nairobi City Council, four antenatal clinics at the health centres in Riruta, Waithaka, Woodley, and Langata. This way it was possible to have enough clinical material for the medical students and student midwives from the School of Nursing. It should also be mentioned that the first medical students taught at KNH were actually ‘borrowed’ from Makerere Medical School! Initially these were Kenyan students who chose to spend an elective term at the KNH, but later the hospital provided refuge to students who fled Idi Amin’s tyranny in Uganda, including some students from other countries.

Establishment of gynaecology (gynae) as a specialty at KNH, separate from Surgery, was not without resistance and intrigues. There were those surgeons that felt there was absolutely nothing new to be gained by creating a department of gynaecology- after all, hadn’t they treated gynae cases all those years? A thorny area concerned the allocation of operating theatre space for a regular gynaecology list. We needed a theatre for emergencies such as ruptured ectopic pregnancy and incomplete abortion; as well as another theatre for elective (‘cold’) cases. I remember one senior surgeon openly saying incomplete abortion never required an evacuation- after all many occurred in the ‘bush’ where there were no doctors! He had always sent them away without any evacuation.


[i] The State of World’s Midwifery 2011, was launched in June 2011 by the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA)

[ii] Letter written on October 20, 1954 by Robert F Gray to Mr Walter Rogers of Institute of Current World Affairs, 522 Fifth Avenue, New York 36, New York. http://www.icwa.org

[iii] The East Africa Women’s League is an organisation for white women who were born in, lived or worked in East Africa. It was founded in Nairobi in 1917, its main concern being the welfare of women and children of all races in the country then known as ‘British East Africa’. http://www.eawl.org

[iv] http://www.kmtc.ac.ke/public_site/webroot/cache/article/file/Nursing_log1.pdf

[v] Note: Dr Peter Lawrence Candler was admitted to the Membership of the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists (MRCOG) in 1962.

 

%d bloggers like this: